Karl had originally thought that Serbia would likely not accept this sternly worded ultimatum. After all, it was Serbia, not some other country.
To that group of radical nationalist politicians and military officers in Belgrade, flatly rejecting a great power's demands simply because they "didn't like" them was never anything unusual; it was even seen as a manifestation of defending national dignity.
But even so, in Karl's view, this ultimatum—drafted by Foreign Minister Count Berchtold and revised by himself and Crown Prince Ferdinand—was already the optimal solution under the current circumstances.
The Austro-Hungarian Empire had already "taken care" of Serbia's face as much as possible.
Two heirs to the Empire had nearly died in Sarajevo, with evidence pointing directly to the hidden hand of Belgrade. Now, merely including clauses involving sovereign dignity, such as "allowing Austro-Hungarian police to participate in the investigation" and "banning anti-Austro-Hungarian organizations," was already providing a generous way out.
The Empire already possessed an irrefutable and righteous cause, and once one possessed such moral high ground, coupled with military pressure, their actions could never be easily stopped.
After all, in such a situation, to do nothing would not be maintaining peace, but announcing to the whole world: the Habsburg Empire was old and senile, a paper tiger ready to disintegrate on its own.
So, this really was the best choice they could make.
Moreover, Karl knew in his heart that the requirements of this ultimatum were much milder than the conditions in the original history, which were almost destined to be rejected.
Yet the Serbian government, under the secret encouragement of the Russian Empire and the immense pressure of domestic radical forces, still kicked the ultimatum aside.
When the news reached Vienna, even those cabinet ministers who had always advocated for cautious observation were completely infuriated this time and could no longer bear it.
This was an event significant enough for the Empire to immediately announce mobilization and shell Belgrade without it seeming excessive, let alone when Austria had deliberately considered Serbia's position—and they still dared to refuse?
"We must attack immediately! Serbia is the cancer of the Balkans, a country that shouldn't exist in this world!"
Chief of the General Staff Franz Conrad von Hetzendorf was the first to slam the table and stand up.
"Your Majesty, the Empire's dignity and patience have reached their limit! This ungrateful Serbia must receive the harshest military sanctions!"
Minister of War Baron Alexander von Krobatin followed closely behind.
"The Empire's prestige has been trampled into the mud! What are you still hesitating for? The destruction of Serbia will only make the Empire stronger and bring true order to the Balkans!"
It wasn't just the radical Hetzendorf advocating for war anymore. The Minister of War, the Finance Minister, the Foreign Minister, and even the usually conservative Austrian Prime Minister, Count Karl von Stürgkh, were all adding fuel to the fire at this moment, the clamor for war drowning out all other voices.
This scene was less a cabinet decision-making meeting and more the entire imperial ruling class collectively unifying their thoughts and setting the tone for an upcoming great war.
After all, ever since the gunshots rang out in Sarajevo, the Habsburg Dynasty had been pushed to a point of no return by nationalism, imperial dignity, and alliance obligations.
Old Emperor Franz Joseph I slowly closed his eyes, likely out of frustration and helplessness. Looking at the old man's weary profile, Karl felt the same way.
Despite being given a chance, they insisted on kicking it away—Serbia was acting like a total gambler.
Did they really think that with Russia backing them, they could remain safe forever while repeatedly challenging the Empire's bottom line?
"Berchtold."
"Present, Your Majesty!" The Foreign Minister immediately straightened his back.
After long and deep thought, as if exhausting the last trace of hope for peace, the Old Emperor finally opened his eyes and looked at Berchtold.
"Issue a note to the Serbian government severing diplomatic relations. That is our final stance."
His tired gaze then turned to the Minister of War, Krobatin.
"Issue the mobilization order. If Serbia continues to be obstinate, Austria will no longer tolerate such murder of the royal family and such insolence toward the Empire."
Count István Tisza, the Hungarian Prime Minister who had remained silent, was visibly restless, his face written with worry. To the Hungarian aristocratic class, war was never a good thing, especially a war that might expand the Empire's territory.
Since the establishment of the Dual Monarchy by the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867, the Kingdom of Hungary had always been wary of any changes that might upset the existing fragile balance of power, fearing that annexing more slavs would dilute their political weight within the Empire.
The core classes of the Austro-Hungarian Empire might feel that war was inevitable, but in the eyes of a Hungarian leader like Tisza, once the Empire annexed new territories and peoples (such as Serbians) due to war, the existing dual structure would be shaken, and Hungary's special status and autonomy within the Empire might also be destabilized.
But at this moment, the righteous cause was firmly in Vienna's hands, and the opportunity for compromise had been given, only to be kicked away by Serbia itself.
Even if he was the powerful Hungarian Prime Minister, he could not publicly oppose the decision of the Emperor and the majority of the cabinet members in such a state of public indignation; that would mean political suicide.
"Karl."
"Present, Your Majesty." Karl took a step forward.
The Old Emperor's gaze fell upon his increasingly mature and capable great-grandson, filled with a mixture of complex expectations and heavy entrustment.
"You will discuss and formulate the specific details of the war plan in collaboration with Hetzendorf and Krobatin. The Imperial Guard must be prepared."
"Yes, I understand."
The Imperial Cabinet Meeting thus concluded, and the war machine began to move.
The candidate for the Commander-in-Chief of the Imperial Army had not yet been officially determined, but the overall strategic command of the imperial forces during wartime would ultimately fall into the hands of the strong and pro-war Chief of the General Staff, Hetzendorf. On this point, almost no one in Vienna's military and political circles had any doubt.
Minister of War Baron Krobatin would be responsible for coordinating resources, manpower, and supplies in the rear, fully supporting the General Staff so that the operational plans could proceed smoothly.
As for Karl, he served as the Commander of the Imperial Guard and also actually controlled a series of enterprises starting from the Porsche Company, extending to partial shares in Škoda, military production, and even the emerging chemical field. The matters he needed to discuss and coordinate with the Ministry of War were naturally as high as a mountain.
"We need to formulate a plan based on the premise that 'Serbia rejects all demands and the Russian Empire will not hesitate to intervene in the Balkan conflict because of this'."